Battle of Crécy

The Battle of The Crécy

Crecy” and “Crécy” redirect here. For other uses, see Crecy (disambiguation).

The Skirmish of Crécy occurred on 26 August 1346 in north-east France between a French armed force told by Lord Philip VI and an English armed force drove by Ruler Edward III. The French assaulted the English while they were crossing northern France during the Hundred Years’ War bringing about an English triumph and overwhelming death toll among the French.

The English armed force had arrived in the Cotentin Promontory on 12 July. It had consumed probably the most extravagant terrains in France to inside 2 miles (3 km) of Paris, sacking numerous towns in transit. The English at that point walked north, wanting to interface up with a partnered Flemish armed force which had attacked from Flanders. Hearing that the Flemish had turned around, and having incidentally surpassed the seeking after French, Edward had his military set up a guarded situation on a slope close to Crécy-en-Ponthieu. Late on 26 August the French armed force, which extraordinarily dwarfed the English, assaulted.

During a concise bows and arrows duel an enormous power of French soldier of fortune crossbowmen was steered by Welsh and English longbowmen. The French at that point propelled a progression of rangers charges by their mounted knights. These were confused by their offhand nature, by compelling their way through the escaping crossbowmen, by the sloppy ground, by charging tough, and by the pits burrowed by the English. The assaults were additionally separated by the viable fire from the English bowmen, which caused substantial setbacks. When the French charges arrived at the English men-at-arms, who had gotten off for the fight, they had lost quite a bit of their driving force. The following hand-to-hand battle was depicted as “deadly, without feeling sorry for, pitiless, and truly ghastly”. The French charges proceeded with late into the night, all with a similar outcome: furious battling followed by a French shock.

The English at that point laid attack on the port of Calais. The fight disabled the French armed force’s capacity to assuage the attack; the town tumbled to the English the next year and stayed under English standard for over two centuries, until 1558. Crécy set up the viability of the longbow as a predominant weapon on the Western European combat zone.


Since the Norman Victory of 1066, English rulers had held titles and grounds inside France, the ownership of which made them vassals of the rulers of France.
Following a progression of differences between Philip VI of France (r. 1328–1350) and Edward III of Britain (r. 1327–1377), on 24 May 1337 Philip’s Extraordinary Chamber in Paris concurred that the terrains held by Edward in France ought to be reclaimed into Philip’s hands in light of the fact that Edward was in the break of his commitments as a vassal. This denoted the beginning of the Hundred Years’ War, which was to last 116 years.

In 1345 Edward’s primary armed force cruised on 29 June and secured off Sluys in Flanders until 22 July, while Edward took care of discretionary affairs. When it cruised, presumably aiming to land in Normandy, it was dispersed by a tempest. There were further postponements and it demonstrated difficult to make any move with this power before winter. In the interim, Henry, Baron of Derby, drove a hurricane crusade through Gascony at the leader of a Somewhat English Gascon army. He intensely crushed two enormous French armed forces at the clashes of Bergerac and Auberoche, caught in excess of 100 French towns and fortresses in Périgord and Agenais, and gave the English belongings in Gascony key depth.

In Walk 1346 a French armed force numbering somewhere in the range of 15,000 and 20,000, “massively prevalent” to any power the Somewhat English Gascons could field, including all the military officials of the regal household, and directed by John, Duke of Normandy, the child, and beneficiary of Philip VI, walked on Gascony. They blockaded the deliberately and strategically significant town of Aiguillon. On 2 April the arrière-boycott, the conventional invitation to battle for all physically fit guys, was reported for the south of France French monetary, calculated, and labor endeavors were centered around this offensive. Derby, presently Lancaster,[note 1] sent a critical intrigue for help to Edward. Edward was ethically obliged to aid his vassal, yet authoritatively required to; his arrangement with Lancaster expressed that in the event that Lancaster was assaulted by overpowering numbers, at that point Edward “will save him in one way or another”.

In the interim, Edward was raising a new armed force and gathered in excess of 700 vessels to move it – the biggest English armada ever to that date. The French knew about Edward’s endeavors, and to make preparations for the chance of an English arrival in northern France, depended on their incredible navy. This dependence was lost, and the French couldn’t forestall Edward effectively crossing the Channel.

The English arrived at Holy person Vaast-la-Hougue, Normandy, on 12 July 1346. They accomplished total vital amazement and walked south. Edward’s fighters flattened each town in their way and plundered whatever they could from the masses. Caen, the social, political, strict, and monetary focal point of northwest Normandy, was raged on 26 July and accordingly plundered for five days. In excess of 5,000 French troopers and regular folks were murdered; among a couple of detainees was Raoul, Check of Eu, the Constable of France. On 29 July Edward sent his armada back to Britain, weighed down with plunder, with a letter requesting that fortifications, supplies, and cash be gathered, left and stacked separately, and sent to meet with his military at Crotoy, on the north bank of the mouth of the Stream Somme. The English walked out towards the Waterway Seine on 1 August.

The French military position was troublesome. Their fundamental armed force, told by John, Duke of Normandy, the child, and beneficiary of Philip VI, was focused on the obstinate attack of Aiguillon in the southwest. After his unexpected arrival in Normandy Edward was annihilating the absolute most extravagant land in France and parading his capacity to walk freely through France. On 2 August, a little English power upheld by numerous Flemings attacked France from Flanders; French resistances there were totally lacking. The treasury was everything except the void. On 29 July, Philip broadcasted the arrière-boycott for northern France, requesting each capable male to amass at Rouen, where Philip himself showed up on the 31st. On 7 August, the English arrived at the Seine, 12 miles (19 km) south of Rouen, and turned south-east. By 12 August, Edward’s military was settled at Poissy, 20 miles from Paris, having left a 20-mile wide area of obliteration down the left bank of the Seine,\ consuming towns to inside 2 miles (3 km) of Paris. Philip’s military walked corresponding to the English on the other bank, and thus stayed north of Paris, where it was consistently strengthened. Paris was in commotion, swollen with outcasts, and arrangements were made to shield the capital road by the street.

Philip sent requests to Duke John of Normandy demanding that he forsake the attack of Aiguillon and walk his military north, which after deferral and lie he did on 20 August – however, he would at last not show up so as to change the course of occasions in the north. The French armed force outside Paris comprised of somewhere in the range of 8,000 men-at-arms, 6,000 crossbowmen, and numerous infantry demands. Philip sent a test on 14 August proposing that the two armed forces do fight at a commonly concurred time and spot in the zone. Edward demonstrated that he would meet Philip toward the south of the Seine, without really submitting himself. On 16 August the French moved into position; Edward quickly torched Poissy, pulverized the scaffold there, and walked north.

The French had done a seared earth strategy, diverting all stores of food thus driving the English to spread out over a wide zone to search, which significantly eased back them. Groups of French workers assaulted a portion of the littler gatherings of foragers. Philip arrived at the Stream Somme daily’s walk in front of Edward. He based himself at Amiens and sent enormous separations to hold each extension and portage over the Somme among Amiens and the ocean. The English were currently caught in a zone that had been deprived of food. The French moved out of Amiens and propelled westwards, towards the English. They were currently ready to give a fight, realizing that they would have the upside of having the option to remain on edge while the English had to attempt to battle their way past them.

Edward was resolved to break the French barricade of the Somme and examined at a few focuses, vainly assaulting Hangest and Pont-Remy before moving west along the waterway. English supplies were tiring out and the military was out, starving and starting to experience the ill effects of a drop in morale. On the night of 24 August, the English stayed north of Acheux while the French were 6 miles (10 km) away at Abbeville. During the night the English walked on a flowing passage named Blanchetaque. The far bank was safeguarded by a power of 3,500 French. English longbowmen and mounted men-at-arms swam into the flowing stream and after a short, sharp battle directed the French. The fundamental French armed force had followed the English, and their scouts caught a few strays and a few carts, yet Edward had broken liberated from quick interest. Such was the French certainty that Edward would not passage the Somme that the zone past had not been stripped, permitting Edward’s military to loot it and resupply. In the interim, the Flemings, having been rebuked by the French at Estaires, attacked Béthune on 14 August. After a few mishaps, they dropped out among themselves, consumed their attack gear, and surrendered their endeavor on 24 August. Edward got the news that he would not be strengthened by the Flemings not long after intersection the Somme. The boats which were relied upon to be holding up off Crotoy were no place to be seen. Edward chose to draw in Philip’s military with the power he had. Having briefly shaken off the French interest, he utilized the rest to set up a guarded situation at Crécy-en-Ponthieu. The French came back to Abbeville, crossed the Somme at the extension there, and stubbornly set off after the English once more

Opposing forces

English armed force

The English armed force for the most part contained English and Welsh fighters, alongside some united Breton and Flemish soldiers and a couple of German mercenaries. The specific size and structure of the English power aren’t known. Contemporary appraisals fluctuate generally; for instance, Froissart’s third form of his Accounts dramatically increases his gauge in the first. Present-day antiquarians have assessed their size from 7,000 to 15,000.Andrew Ayton recommends a figure of around 14,000: 2,500 men-at-arms, 5,000 longbowmen, 3,000 hobelars (light rangers and mounted toxophilite) and 3,500 spearmen. Clifford Rogers proposes 15,000: 2,500 men-at-arms, 7,000 longbowmen, 3,250 hobelars and 2,300 spearmen. Jonathan Sumption, passing by the conveying limit of its unique vehicle armada, accepts the power was around 7,000 to 10,000. Up to a thousand men were indicted criminals serving on the guarantee of an acquittal toward the finish of the campaign. A significant number of the English, including a considerable lot of the criminals, were veterans; maybe the same number of as half.

The men-at-arms of the two armed forces wore a sewed gambeson under mail reinforcement which secured the body and appendages. This was enhanced by differing measures of plate defensive layer on the body and appendages, all the more so for wealthier and increasingly experienced men. Heads were secured by bascinets: open-confronted military iron or steel caps, with mail, joined to the lower edge of the cap to ensure the throat, neck, and shoulders. A moveable visor (face watch) secured the face. Warmer shields, normally produced using flimsy wood overlaid with cowhide, were conveyed. The English men-at-arms were completely gotten off. The weapons they utilized are not recorded, yet incomparable fights they utilized their spears as pikes, chop them down to use as short lances, or faced with blades and conflict tomahawks

The longbow utilized by the English and Welsh bowmen was one of a kind to them; it took as long as ten years to ace and could release up to ten bolts for each moment well more than 300 meters (980 ft).[note 2] PC examination by Warsaw College of Innovation in 2017 showed that substantial bodkin point bolts could infiltrate run of the mill plate reinforcement of the time at 225 meters (738 ft). The profundity of infiltration would be slight at that run; anticipated entrance expanded as the range shut or against the defensive layer of not exactly the best quality accessible at the time.[note 3] Contemporary sources talk about bolts much of the time penetrating armor.] Toxophilite conveyed one bunch of 24 bolts as standard. During the morning of the fight, they were each given with two additional quivers, for an aggregate of 72 bolts for every man. This was just adequate for maybe fifteen minutes taking shots at the greatest rate, despite the fact that as the fight wore on the rate would slow. Normal resupply of ammo would be required from the carts to the back; the bowmen would likewise wander forward during delays in the battling to recover arrow] Current students of history propose that a large portion of a million bolts could have been shot during the fight.

The English armed force was additionally outfitted with a few sorts of explosive weapons, in obscure numbers: little firearms shooting lead balls; ribauldequins discharging either metal bolts or grapeshot; and assaults, an early type of gun shooting metal balls 3.2–3.6 inches (80–90 mm) in distance across. Contemporary records and current students of history contrast regarding what sorts of these weapons and what number of were available at Crécy, however a few iron balls perfect with the shell ammo have since been recovered from the site of the fight.

French army

The specific size of the French armed force is even less sure, as the budgetary records from the Crécy crusade are lost, in spite of the fact that there is an accord that it was significantly bigger than the English. Contemporary writers all note it as being very enormous for the period. The two who give aggregates gauge its size as 72,000 or 120,000. The quantities of mounted men-at-arms are given as either 12,000 or 20,000. An Italian writer guaranteed 100,000 knights (men-at-arms), 12,000 infantry and 5,000 crossbowmen. Contemporary recorders evaluated the crossbowmen present as somewhere in the range of 2,000 and 20,000

These numbers are depicted by history specialists as overstated and ridiculous, based on the surviving war treasury records for 1340, six years before the battle. Clifford Rogers assesses “the French host was in any event twice as extensive as the [English], and maybe as much as three times”. As indicated by current appraisals, 8,000 mounted men-at-arms shaped the center of the French army, bolstered by two to 6,000 soldier of fortune crossbowmen selected by and employed from the significant exchanging city of Genoa,[note 4] and an “enormous, however uncertain, number of regular infantry”. What number of normal infantrymen, civilian army and tolls of variable degrees of gear and preparing, were available isn’t known with any sureness, then again, actually on their own, they dwarfed the English army

The French men-at-arms were prepared also to the English. They were mounted on completely unarmoured ponies and conveyed wooden spears, generally, debris tipped with iron, and roughly 4 meters (13 ft) language numbers of the men-at-arms in the French armed force were outsiders: many joined separately out of a feeling of experience and the appealing paces of pay offered. Others were in contingents contributed by Philip’s partners: three rulers, a sovereign cleric, a duke, and three checks drove escorts from non-French territories.

Since Philip went to the seat, French armed forces had incorporated an expanding extent of crossbowmen. As there were barely any bowmen in France they were generally enrolled from abroad, commonly Genoa; their outside birthplace prompted them as often as possible being named mercenaries they were proficient warriors and in the fight were shielded from rockets by pavises – extremely enormous shields with their own bearers, behind every one of which three crossbowmen could shelter prepared crossbowman, could shoot his weapon roughly two times per minute.

Initial deployments

Edward sent his military in a deliberately chose position, confronting southeast on an inclining slope, broken by hedges and terracing, at Crécy-en-Ponthieu This was in a region which Edward had acquired from his mom and notable to a few of the English; it has been recommended that the position had for quite some time been viewed as an appropriate site for a battle. The left flank was tied down against Wadicourt, while the privilege was secured by Crécy itself and the Stream Maye past. This made it hard for the French to outmaneuver them The position had a prepared line of retreat if the English were crushed or put under painful pressure while trusting that the French will find them the English dove pits before their positions, expected to clutter assaulting rangers and set up a few crude black powder weapons. Edward wished to incite the French into a mounted charge tough against his strong infantry arrangements of got off men-at-arms, supported by Welsh spearmen and flanked by archers The military had been in position since daybreak, as was rested and all around took care of, giving them a bit of leeway over the French, who didn’t rest before the battle. Having conclusively vanquished a huge French separation two days prior, the English soldiers’ spirit was high.

The English armed force was sent in three divisions, or “fights”, with two forward and one for possible later use. Edward’s child, Edward, the Sovereign of Ribs, supported by the Duke of Warwick, directed the biggest of the cutting edge fights. The other was driven by the Barons of Northampton and Suffolk and situated to one side of the Sovereign of Ribs. The Lord directed the hold fight. Every division was made out of men-at-arms in the middle, all by walking, with positions of spearmen quickly behind them, and with longbowmen on each flank and in an encounter line to their front. A large number of the longbowmen were hidden in little woods, or by resting in ready wheat. The things train was situated to the back of the entire armed force, where it was circumnavigated and strengthened, to fill in as a recreation center for the ponies, a safeguard against any conceivable assault from the back and a revitalizing point in case of defeat.

Around early afternoon on 26 August French scouts, propelling north from Abbeville, came in sight of the English. The crossbowmen, under Antonio Doria and Carlo Grimaldi, shaped the French vanguard. Following was an enormous skirmish of men-at-arms drove by Tally Charles of Alençon, Philip’s sibling, joined by the visually impaired Lord John of Bohemia. The following fight was driven by Duke Rudolph of Lorraine and Tally Louis of Blois, while Philip instructed the rearguard. As news sifted back that the English had gone to battle, the French contingents accelerated, shaking with one another to arrive at the front of the section. The Italians remained in the van, while the mounted men-at-arms left there going with infantry and carts behind. The order was lost; the French were hampered by the nonappearance of their Constable, who was typically answerable for marshaling and driving their military, however, who had been caught at Caen. Once it stopped, men, particularly infantry, were persistently joining Philip’s fight as they walked northwest from Abbeville.

In the wake of inspecting the English position, a committee of war was held where the senior French authorities, who were totally sure of triumph, prompted an assault, however not until the following day. The military was worn out from a 12-mile walk and expected to revamp in order to have the option to assault in strength. It was likewise realized that the Tally of Savoy, with in excess of 500 men-at-arms, was walking to join the French and was nearby. (He captured a portion of the French survivors the day after the battle). Notwithstanding this counsel, the French assaulted later a similar evening; it is indistinct from the contemporary sources whether this was an intentional decision by Philip, or on the grounds that such a large number of the French knights continued squeezing forward and the fight started against his wishes. Philip’s arrangement was to utilize the long-extend rockets of his crossbowmen to mollify the English infantry and clutter, and perhaps dispirit, their developments, to permit the going with mounted men-at-arms to break into their positions and defeat them. Current antiquarians have commonly considered this to have been a useful methodology, and one with demonstrated accomplishment against different armed forces.


Archery duel

The French armed force pushed ahead late toward the evening, spreading out their hallowed fight pennant, the oriflamme, demonstrating that no detainees would be taken. As they propelled, an unexpected rainstorm broke over the field. The English bowmen de-hung their bows to keep away from the strings turning out to be loosened; the Genoese with their crossbows didn’t have to play it safe, as their bowstrings were made of leather. The Genoese drew in the English longbowmen in an arrow based weaponry duel. The longbowmen outranged their opponents and had a pace of discharge multiple occasions greater. The crossbowmen were additionally without their defensive pavises, which were still with the French stuff, just like their hold supplies of ammunition. The mud likewise hindered their capacity to reload, which expected them to press the stirrups of their weapons into the ground, and consequently eased back their pace of fire. The Italians were quickly crushed and fled; mindful of their defenselessness without their pavises, they may have made just a token effort. Present-day students of history differ concerning what number of losses they endured, however as some contemporary sources recommend they may have neglected to get off any shots whatsoever and the latest expert investigation of this duel presumes that they hurriedly shot maybe two volleys, at that point pulled back before any genuine trade with the English could create, they were presumably light.

The knights and nobles following in Alençon’s division, hampered by the steered hired fighters, hacked at them as they withdrew. By most contemporary records the crossbowmen were viewed as defeatists, best-case scenarios, and almost certain traitors,, and a considerable lot of them were slaughtered by the French. The conflict of the withdrawing Genoese and the propelling French mounted force tossed the main fight into confusion. The longbowmen kept on shooting into the massed troops. The release of the English barrages added to the disarray, however contemporary records vary with regards to whether they exacted critical losses.

Cavalry charges

Alençon’s fight at that point propelled a rangers charge. This was scattered by its off the cuff nature, by constraining its way through the escaping Italians, by the sloppy ground, by charging tough, and by the pits burrowed by the English, The assault was additionally separated by the substantial and viable shooting from the English toxophilite, which caused numerous casualties. It is likely the bowmen safeguarded their ammo until they had a sensible possibility of entering the French reinforcement, which would be a scope of around 80 meters (260 ft). The shielded French riders had some insurance, yet their ponies were totally unarmoured and were killed or injured in enormous numbers. Crippled ponies fell, spilling or catching their riders and making the following positions turn to maintain a strategic distance from them and fall into significantly further disorder. Injured ponies fled over the slope in panic. When the tight development of English men-at-arms and spearmen got the French charge it had lost a lot of its stimulus.

A contemporary depicted the hand-to-hand battle which resulted as “lethal, without feeling sorry for, remorseless, and very horrible”. Men-at-arms who lost their balance, or who were tossed from injured ponies, were stomped all over, squashed by falling ponies and bodies, and choked in the mud. After the fight, many French bodies were recouped without any imprints on them. Alençon was among those killed. The French assault was beaten off. English infantry pushed ahead to cut the French injured, plunder the bodies and recoup arrows. A few sources state Edward had provided orders that in spite of custom, no detainees be taken; dwarfed as he was he would not like to lose battling men to accompanying and guarding prisoners. Regardless, there is no record of any detainees being taken until the following day, after the battle.

New powers of French mounted force moved into position at the foot of the slope and rehashed Alençon’s charge. They had indistinguishable issues from Alençon’s power, with the additional impediment that the ground they were progressing over was covered with dead and injured ponies and men. Ayton and Preston compose of “long hills of fallen warhorses and men … add[ing] fundamentally to the challenges confronting new developments … as they tried to move toward the English position”. All things considered, they charged home, but in such a scattered express, that they were again incapable to break into the English arrangement. A drawn-out mêlée came about, with a report that at one point the Ruler of Ribs was beaten to his knees. One record has the Sovereign’s leading figure remaining on his standard to forestall its catch. An advanced student of history has portrayed the battling as “horrendous carnage”. Edward sent forward a separation from his hold fight to protect the situation. The French were again rebuffed. They returned once more. The English positions were diminished, however, those in the back ventured forward to fill the gaps.

How frequently the French charged is contested, yet they proceeded with late into the night, with the sunset and afterward dim disorganizing the French yet further. All had a similar outcome: savage battling followed by a French retreat. In one assault the Tally of Blois got off his men and had them advance by walking; the Check’s body was found on the field. The French honorability tenaciously wouldn’t yield. There was no absence of fearlessness on either side. Broadly, dazzle Ruler John of Bohemia attached his pony’s harness to those of his chaperons and dashed into the dusk; all were hauled from their ponies and killed. There are records of whole English fights progressing once in a while to clean up broken French charges processing before them, at that point pulling back in great request to their unique positions.

Philip himself was up to speed in the battling, had two ponies murdered underneath him, and got a bolt in the jaw. The conveyor of the oriflamme was a specific objective for the English toxophilite; he supposedly fell yet endure, though forsaking the hallowed pennant to be captured At long last, Philip relinquished the field of fight, in spite of the fact that it is muddled why. It was about 12 PM and the fight subsided, with most of the French armed force liquefying endlessly from the battlefield. The English dozed where they had battled. The following morning considerable French powers were all the while showing up on the war zone, to be charged by the English men-at-arms, presently mounted, steered, and sought after for miles. Their misfortunes alone were accounted for like a few thousand, including the Duke of Lorraine. Then, a couple of injured or staggered Frenchmen were pulled from the stacks of dead men and kicking the bucket ponies and taken prisoner.


The misfortunes in the fight were profoundly awry. Every single contemporary source concurs that English setbacks were very low. It was accounted for that English passings included 3 or 4 men-at-arms and few the majority, for an aggregate of 40 as per a move call after the battle. It has been recommended by some cutting edge students of history this is excessively not many and that English passings may have numbered around 300. To date, just two Englishmen murdered at the fight have been identified two English knights were additionally taken prisoner, in spite of the fact that it is hazy at what stage in the fight this happened.

Correspondingly, all contemporary sources think about the French losses to have been high. As per a check made by the English envoys after the fight, the collections of 1,542 French honorable men-at-arms were found, in addition to presumably a few hundred in the interest which followed. Over 2,200 heraldic coats were taken from the field of the fight as war goods by the English. Jonathan Sumption portrays the all-out French misfortunes as “catastrophic”, and Ayton alludes to the “uncommonly substantial setbacks endured by the French” and “amazing losses”. A gauge by the writer Geoffrey the Baker, esteemed tenable by present-day history specialists, says 4,000 French knights were killed.] Among the realized gallant dead were two rulers, nine rulers, ten tallies, a duke, an ecclesiastical overseer, and a bishop. According to Ayton, the overwhelming misfortunes of the French can likewise be credited to the chivalric standards held by knights of the time; nobles would have wanted to pass on in the fight, instead of disgracefully escape the field, particularly taking into account their individual knights.

No dependable figures exist for misfortunes among the basic French soldiery, in spite of the fact that they were likewise considered to have been overwhelming. Jean Le Bel evaluated 15,000–16,000. Froissart composes that the French armed force endured an aggregate of 30,000 executed or captured. The advanced student of history Alfred Burne gauges 10,000 infantry, as “an unadulterated guess”, for a sum of 12,000 French dead.


The consequence of the fight is portrayed by Clifford Rogers as “an all-out triumph for the English”, and by Ayton as “uncommon” and “an overwhelming military humiliation”.Sumption considers it “a political calamity for the French Crown”.The fight was accounted for to the English parliament on 13 September in sparkling terms as an indication of celestial kindness and defense for the gigantic expense of the war to date. A contemporary writer opined “By scramble and complication were the French destroyed”.] Rogers composes that, among different components, the English “profited by prevalent association, attachment and initiative” and from “the indiscipline of the French”.As indicated by Ayton “Britain’s worldwide notoriety as a military force was set up in a night’s hard fighting”.

Edward finished the crusade by laying attack to Calais, which fell following eleven months, the Skirmish of Crécy having injured the French armed force’s capacity to alleviate the town. This made sure about an English entrepôt into northern France which was held for 200 years. The fight set up the adequacy of the longbow as a predominant weapon on the Western European battlefield. English and Welsh toxophilite filled in as hired soldiers in Italy in critical numbers, and some as far abroad as Hungary. Current history specialist Joseph Dahmus remembers the Clash of Crécy for his Seven Conclusive Skirmishes of the Medieval times.

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